The history of liberation against the apartheid regime often portrays the roles of organisations, civil society and sanctions in effectively making South Africa ungovernable and essentially making apartheid South Africa financially unsustainable.
However, it is fair to argue that the simple understanding of our liberation struggle overlooks the significance of the “South Africa-Angola Border War”. As such, this piece seeks elucidate the importance of the Border-War in the liberation of South Africa
The war essentially was an extension of the Angolan Civil War, which began soon after the declaration of Independence on November 11, 1975 by Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) leader Agostinho Neto. This followed a war of independence from Portuguese rule that spanned 14 years.
The historical implications from this conflict would have far reaching consequences. For starters, the war descended into a war by proxy. Holden Roberto’s National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) had military-support from the United States of America, whereas MPLA was soviet-backed. The two superpowers ensured that their allies were well-resources, though FNLA was defeated by MPLA leaving UNITA as the sole opponent to the MPLA.
This is where the war became interesting, due to its ties to the US, UNITA successfully forged a relationship with the Apartheid regime that had concerned about liberation groups crossing the border from Angola into occupied Namibia. On the one hand, the South African government not only facilitated the transportation of military resources to UNITA, but the South African Defence Force also (SADF) made its presence felt by invading from the South of Angola. On the other hand, Cuban troops joined on the side of MPLA as expected of the soviet-leaning allies.
Interestingly, this conflict would produce one of the most intense and gruesome battles ever fought in the African continent, the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in 1987-88. In my opinion, this war marked the end of the apartheid regime. Until this point, the SADF was unequivocally the most powerful army in Africa. Although Cuba and MPLA were reported to have lost more soldiers and aircrafts during the battle, it cannot be understated how significant it was that the SADF was unable to earn a decisive victory.
This military defeat shattered the air of invincibility about the SADF, shortly after this battle South Africa opened itself up to negotiating a resolution to end the Border-War.
Part of the provisions agreed upon ensure the independence of Namibia and the full withdrawal of the SADF, Cuban troops from Angola. The mere fact that South Africa entered into negotiation illustrates that the apartheid government understood that their position had significantly diminished.
Furthermore, the battle of Cuito Cuanavale became the catalyst for the “End Conscription” protests that saw white South Africans refuse to be drafted into the war. At this point, the losses from the fighting had cost the National Party militarily and politically as this galvanised liberation movements to pressurise the apartheid government to end white-minority rule in South Africa. The implications of Cuito Cuanavale depleted public trust of the SADF.
Critically, as the Soviet Union collapsed, the US saw no reason to continue its support of South Africa and UNITA. As such, due to economic sanctions, civil disobedience and military-depletion, the National Party was forced to enter negotiations that would lead to the release of Nelson Mandela; unbanning of black political parties and the first democratic vote of 1994.
In essence, there were many factors that contributed to the fall of the National Party regime. However, seldomly does the Border-War spring to mind. It is saddening that the sacrifices made by the Angolan people have been minimised to the fringes of mainstream historical knowledge within South African civil and political discourse. This was a war that South Africa had no morally justifiable reason to participate in, much like the NP regime’s morally depraved rationale behind its racially-discriminatory policies and governance.
Introspectively, Angola and South Africa share an intricate history that came to define the failures of an oppressive regime seeking to cement its power over indigenous people with impunity. It is for this reason that Angola should be mentioned more often in conversations, documentaries of South
Africa’s liberation. It is a shame that such a massively influential part of South Africa’s history is confined to historical archives and academic circles far from the reach of ordinary South Africa.
This is where academics plays a role, it is time for scholars to engage with the academic knowledge and disseminate it to the general public. The academy should seek new ways to engage audiences on the complexities of South African liberation. Most importantly, it is a disservice to erase the brave Angolan, Namibian, Cuban and South African liberation fighters that sacrificed their lives to defeat the apartheid regime at a time when the SADF appeared invincible.
Personally, I would like to thank those fighters for their valour and bravery, without them our current realities could have been very different. We should be commemorating the battle of Cuito Cuanavale annually.
Pretoria News